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October 29 中美联合公报——之三正文 SINO-US JOINT COMMUNIQUE 17 August 1982
[Chinese Text]
1. In the Joint Communique on the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations on January 1, 1979, issued by the Government of the United States of America and the Government of the People's Republic of China, the United States of America recognized the Government of the People's Republic of China as the sole legal government of China, and it acknowledged the Chinese position that there is but one China and Taiwan is part of China. Within that context, the two sides agreed that the people of the United States would continue to maintain cultural, commercial, and other unofficial relations with the people of Taiwan. On this basis, relations between the United States and China were normalized.
2. The question of United States arms sales to Taiwan was not settled in the course of negotiations between the two countries on establishing diplomatic relations. The two sides held differing positions, and the Chinese side stated that it would raise the issue again following normalization. Recognizing that this issue would seriously hamper the development of United States-China relations, they have held further discussions on it, during and since the meetings between President Ronald Reagan and Premier Zhao Ziyang and between Secretary of State Alexander M. Haig, Jr., and Vice Premier and Foreign Minister Huang Hua in October 1981.
3. Respect for each other's sovereignty and territorial integrity and non-interference each other's internal affairs constitute the fundamental principles guiding United States-China relations. These principles were confirmed in the Shanghai Communique of February 28, 1972 and reaffirmed in the Joint Communique on the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations which came into effect on January 1, 1973. Both sides emphatically state that these principles continue to govern all aspects of their relations.
4. The Chinese government reiterates that the question of Taiwan is China's internal affair. The Message to the Compatriots in Taiwan issued by China on January 1, 1979, promulgated a fundamental policy of striving for Peaceful reunification of the Motherland. The Nine-Point Proposal put forward by China on September 30, 1981 represented a Further major effort under this fundamental policy to strive for a peaceful solution to the Taiwan question.
5. The United States Government attaches great importance to its relations with China, and reiterates that it has no intention of infringing on Chinese sovereignty and territorial integrity, or interfering in China's internal affairs, or pursuing a policy of "two Chinas" or "one China, one Taiwan." The United States Government understands and appreciates the Chinese policy of striving for a peaceful resolution of the Taiwan question as indicated in China's Message to Compatriots in Taiwan issued on January 1, 1979 and the Nine-Point Proposal put forward by China on September 30, 1981. The new situation which has emerged with regard to the Taiwan question also provides favorable conditions for the settlement of United States-China differences over the question of United States arms sales to Taiwan.
6. Having in mind the foregoing statements of both sides, the United States Government states that it does not seek to carry out a long-term policy of arms sales to Taiwan, that its arms sales to Taiwan will not exceed, either in qualitative or in quantitative terms, the level of those supplied in recent years since the establishment of diplomatic relations between the United States and China, and that it intends to reduce gradually its sales of arms to Taiwan, leading over a period of time to a final resolution. In so stating, the United States acknowledges China's consistent position regarding the thorough settlement of this issue.
7. In order to bring about, over a period of time, a final settlement of the question of United States arms sales to Taiwan, which is an issue rooted in history, the two governments will make every effort to adopt measures and create conditions conducive to the thorough settlement of this issue.
8. The development of United States-China relations is not only in the interest of the two peoples but also conducive to peace and stability in the world. The two sides are determined, on the principle of equality and mutual benefit, to strengthen their- ties to the economic, cultural, educational, scientific, technological and other fields and make strong. joint efforts for the continued development of relations between the governments and peoples of the United States and China.
9. In order to bring about the healthy development of United States China relations, maintain world peace and oppose aggression and expansion, the two governments reaffirm the principles agreed on by the two sides in the Shanghai Communique and the Joint Communique on the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations. The two sides will maintain contact and hold appropriate consultations on bilateral and international issues of common interest.
译文 SINO-US JOINT COMMUNIQUE 17 August 1982
[English Text]
中华人民共和国和美利坚合众国联合公报
1982年8月17
一、在中华人民共和国政府和美利坚合众国政府发表的一九七九年一月一日建立外交关系的联合公报中,美利坚合众国承认中华人民共和国政府是中国的唯一合法政府,并承认中国的立场,即只有一个中国,台湾是中国的一部分。在此范围内,双方同意,美国人民将同台湾人民继续保持文化、商务和其他非官方关系。在此基础上,中美两国关系实现了正常化。
二、美国向台湾出售武器的问题在两国谈判建交的过程中没有得到解决。双方的立场不一致,中方声明在正常化以后将再次提出这个问题。双方认识到这一问题将会严重妨碍中美关系的发展,因而在赵紫阳总理与罗纳德·里根总统以及黄华副总理兼外长与亚历山大·黑格国务卿于一九八一年十月会见时以及在此以后,双方进一步就此进行了讨论。
三、互相尊重主权和领土完整、互不干涉内政是指导中美关系的根本原则。一九七二年二月二十八的上海公报确认了这些原则。一九七九年一月一日生效的建交公报又重申了这些原则。双方强调声明,这些原则仍是指导双方关系所有方面的原则。
四、中国政府重申,台湾问题是中国的内政。一九七九年一月一日中国发表的告台湾同胞书宣布了争取和平统一祖国的大政方针。一九八一年九月三十日中国提出的九点方针是按照这一大政方针争取和平解决台湾问题的进一步重大努力。
五、美国政府非常重视它与中国的关系,并重申,它无意侵犯中国的主权和领土完整,无意干涉中国的内政,也无意执行“两个中国”或“一中一台”政策。美国政府理解并欣赏一九七九年一月一日中国发表的告台湾同胞书和一九八一年九月三十日中国提出的九点方针中所表明的中国争取和平解决台湾问题的政策。台湾问题上出现的新形势也为解决中美两国在美国售台武器问题上的分歧提供了有利的条件。
六、考虑到双方的上述声明,美国政府声明,它不寻求执行一项长期向台湾出售武器的政策,它向台湾出售的武器在性能和数量上将不超过中美建交后近几年供应的水平,它准备逐步减少它对台湾的武器出售,并经过一段时间导致最后的解决。在作这样的声明时,美国承认中国关于彻底解决这一问题的一贯立场。
七、为了使美国售台武器这个历史遗留的问题,经过一段时间最终得到解决,两国政府将尽一切努力,采取措施,创造条件,以利于彻底解决这个问题。
八、中美关系的发展不仅符合两国人民的利益,而且也有利于世界和平与稳定。双方决心本着平等互利的原则,加强经济、文化、教育、科技和其他方面的联系,为继续发展中美两国政府和人民之间的关系共同作出重大努力。
九、为了使中美关系健康发展和维护世界和平、反对侵略扩张,两国政府重申上海公报和建交公报中双方一致同意的各项原则。双方将就共同关心的双边问题和国际问题保持接触并进行适当的磋商。 中美联合公报——之二译文 Sino-US Joint Communique 28 February 1972
中美联合公报
1972 年2月28日
应中华人民共和国总理周恩来的邀请,美利坚合众国总统理查德·尼克松自一九七二年二月二十一日至二月二十八日访问了中华人民共和国。陪同总统的有尼克松夫人、美国国务卿威廉·罗杰斯、总统助理亨利·基辛格博士和其他美国官员。
尼克松总统于二月二十一日会见了中国共产党主席毛泽东。两位领导人就中美关系和国际事务认真、坦率地交换了意见。
梦手校峥怂勺芡澈椭芏骼醋芾砭兔览岷现诠椭谢嗣窆埠凸叵嫡;约八焦匦牡?其他问题进行了广泛、认真和坦率的讨论。此外,国务卿威廉·罗杰斯和外交部长姬鹏飞也以同样精神进行了会谈。
尼克松总统及其一行访问了北京,参观了文化、工业和农业项目,还访问了杭州和上海,在那里继续同中国领导人进行讨论,并参观了类似的项目。
中华人民共和国和美利坚合众国领导人经过这么多年一直没有接触之后,理在有机会坦率地互相介绍彼此对各种问题的观点,对此,双方认为是有益的。他们回顾了经历着重大变化和巨大动荡的国际形势,阐明了各自的立场和态度。
中国方面声明:哪里有压迫,哪里就有反抗。国家要独立,民族要解放,人民要革命,已成为不可抗拒的历史潮流。国家不分大小,应该一律平等,大国不应欺负小国,强国不应欺负弱国。中国决不做超级大国,并且反对任何霸权主义和强权政治。中国方面表示:坚决支持一切被压迫人民和被压迫民族争取自由、解放的斗争;各国人民有权按照自己的意愿,选择本国的社会制度,有权维护本国独立、主权和领土完整,反对外来侵略、干涉、控制和颠覆。一切外国军队都应撤回本国去。中国方面表示:坚决支持越南、老挝、柬埔寨三国人民为实现自己的目标所作的努力,坚决支持越南南方共和临时革命政府的七点建议以及在今年二月对其中两个关键问题的说明和印度支那人民最高级会议联合声明;坚决支持朝鲜民主主义人民共和国政府一九七一年四月十二日提出的朝鲜和平统一的八点方案和取消“联合国韩国统一复兴委员会”的主张;坚决反对日本军国主义的复活和对外扩张,坚决支持日本人民要求建立一个独立、民主、和平和中立的日本的愿望;坚决主张印度和巴基斯坦按照联合国关系印巴问题的决议,立即把自己的军队全部撤回到本国境内以及查谟和克什米尔停火线的各自一方,坚决支持巴基斯坦政府和人民维护独立、主权的斗争以及查谟和克什米尔人民争取自决权的斗争。
美国方面声明:为了亚洲和世界的和平,需要对缓和当前的紧张局势和消除冲突的基本原因作出努力。美国将致力于建立公正而稳定的和平。这种和平是公正的,因为它满足各国人民和各国争取自由和进步的愿望。这种和平是稳定的,因为它消除外来侵略的危险。美国支持全世界各国人民在没有外来压力和干预的情况下取得个人自由和社会进步。美国相信,改善具有不同意识形态的国与国之间的联系,以便减少由于事故、错误估计或误会而引起的对峙的危险,有助于缓和紧张局势的努力。各国应该互相尊重并愿进行和平竞赛,让行动作出最后判断。任何国家都不应自称一贯正确,各国都要准备为了共同的利益重新检查自己的态度。美国强调:应该允许印度支那各国人民在不受外来干涉的情况下决定自己的命运;美国一贯的首要目标是谈判解决;越南共和国和美国在一九七二年一月二十七日提出的八点建议提供了实现这个目标的基础;在谈判得不到解决时,美国预计在符合印度支那每个国家自决这一目标的情况下从这个地区最终撤出所有美国军队。美国将保持其与大韩民国的密切联系和对它的支持;美国将支持大韩民国为谋求在朝鲜半岛缓和紧张局势和增加联系的努力。美国最高度地珍视同日本的友好关系,并将继续发展现存的紧密纽带。按照一九七一年十二月二十一日联合国安全理事会的决议,美国赞成印度和巴基斯坦之间的停火继续下去,并把全部军事力量撤至本国境内以及查谟和克什米尔停火线的各自一方;美国支持南亚各国人民和平地、不受军事威胁地建设自己的未来的权利,而不使这个地区成为大国竞争的目标。
中美两国的社会制度和对外政策有着本质的区别。但是,双方同意,各国不论社会制度如何,都应根据尊重各国主权和领土完整、不侵儿别国、不干涉别国内政、平等互利、和平共处的原则来处理国与国之间的关系。国际争端应在此基础上予以解决,而不诉诸武力和武力威胁。美国和中华人民共和国准备在他们的相互关系中实行这些原则。
考虑到国际关系的上述这些原则,双方声明: 中美两国关系走向正常化是符合所有国家的利益的; 双方都希望减少国际军事冲突的危险; 任何一方都不应该在亚洲-太平洋地区谋求霸权,每一方都反对任何其他国家或国家集团建立这种霸权的努力; 任何一方都不准备代表任何第三方进行谈判,也不准备同对方达成针对其他国家的协议或谅解。
双方都认为,任何大国与另一大国进行勾结反对其他国家,或者大国在世界上划分利益范围,那都是违背世界各国人民利益的。
双方回顾了中美两国之间长期存在的严重争端。中国方面重申自己的立场:台湾问题是阻碍中美两国关系正常化的关键问题;中华人民共和国政府是中国的唯一合法政府;台湾是中国的一个省,早已归还祖国;解放台湾是中国内政,别国无权干涉;全部美国武装力量和军事设施必须从台湾撤走。中国政府坚决反对任何旨在制造“一中一台”、“一个中国、两个政府”、“两个中国”、“台湾独立”和鼓吹 “台湾地位未定”的活动。
美国方面声明:美国认识到,在台湾海峡两边的所有中国人都认为只有一个中国,台湾是中国的一部分。美国政府对这一立场不提出异议。它重申它对由中国人自己和平解决台湾问题的关心。考虑到这一前景,它确认从台湾撤出全部美国武装力量和军事设施的最终目标。在此期间,它将随着这个地区紧张局势的缓和逐步减少它在台湾的武装力量和军事设施。
双方同意,扩大两国人民之间的了解是可取的。为此目的,他们就科学、技术、文化、体育和新闻等方面的具体领域进行了讨论,在这些领域中进行人民之间的联系和交流将会是互相有利的。双方各自承诺对进一步发展这种联系和交流提供便利。
双方把双边贸易看作是另一个可以带来互利的领域,并一致认为平等互利的经济关系是符合两国人民的利益的。他们同意为逐步发展两国间的贸易提供便利。
双方同意,他们将通过不同渠道保持接触,包括不定期地派遣美国高级代表前来北京,就促进两国关系正常化进行具体磋商并继续就共同关心的问题交换意见。
双方希望,这次访问的成果将为两国关系开辟新的前景。双方相信,两国关系正常化不仅符合中美两国人民的利益,而且会对缓和亚洲及世界紧张局势作出贡献。
尼克松总统、尼克松夫人及美方一行对中华人民共和国政府和人民给予他们有礼貌的款待,表示感谢。 中华人民共和国和美利坚合众国关于建立外交关系的联合公报, 1979年 1月 1日 Sino-US Joint Communique, 1 January 1979 The second communique (1979-01-01), The Joint Communique on the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations, formally announces the commencement of normal relations between the United States and the People's Republic of China.
正文 JOINT COMMUNIQUE ON THE ESTABLISHMENT OF DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AND THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA 1 JANUARY 1979
(The communique was released on December 15, 1978, in Washington and Peking.)
The United States of America and the People's Republic of China have agreed to recognize each other and to establish diplomatic relations as of January 1, 1979.
The United States of America recognizes the Government of the People's Republic of China as the sole legal Government of China. Within this context, the people of the United States will maintain cultural, commercial, and other unofficial relations with the people of Taiwan.
The United States of America and the People's Republic of China reaffirm the principles agreed on by the two sides in the Shanghai Communique and emphasize once again that:
--Both wish to reduce the danger of international military conflict.
--Neither should seek hegemony in the Asia-Pacific region or in any other region of the world and each is opposed to efforts by any other country or group of countries to establish such hegemony.
--Neither is prepared to negotiate on behalf of any third party or to enter into agreements or understandings with the other directed at other states.
--The Government of the United States of America acknowledges the Chinese position that there is but one China and Taiwan is part of China.
--Both believe that normalization of Sino-American relations is not only in the interest of the Chinese and American peoples but also contributes to the cause of peace in Asia and the world.
The United States of America and the People's Republic of China will exchange Ambassadors and establish Embassies on March 1, 1979.
译文 SINO-US JOINT COMMUNIQUE 1 January 1979
中华人民共和国和美利坚合众国关于建立外交关系的联合公报
1979 年1月1日
中华人民共和国和美利坚合众国商定自一九七九年一月一日起互相承认并建立外交关系。
美利坚合众国承认中华人民共和国政府是中国的唯一合法政府。在此范围内,美国人民将同台湾人民保持文化、商务和其他非官方关系。
中华人民共和国和美利坚合众国重申上海公报中双方一致同意的各项原则,并再次强调:
双方都希望减少国际军事冲突的危险。
任何一方都不应该在亚洲-太平洋地区以及世界上任何地区谋求霸权,每一方都反对任何国家或国家集团建立这种霸权的努力。 或国家集团建立这种霸权的努力。
任何一方都不准备代表任何第三方进行谈判,也不准备同对方达成针对其他国家的协议或谅解。
美利坚合众国政府承认中国的立场,即只有一个中国,台湾是中国的一部分。
双方认为,中美关系正常化不仅符合中国人民和美国人民的利益,而且有助于亚洲和世界的和平事业。 中华人民共和国和美利坚合众国将于一九七九年三月一日互派大使并建立大使馆。 中华人民共和国和美利坚合众国联合公报, 1982年 8月 17日 Sino-US Joint Communique, 17 August 1982 The third and final communique (1982-08-17), reaffirms the desire of both sides to further strengthen economic, cultural, educational, scientific, technological, ties. 中美三个联合公报全文(中英对照)中华人民共和国和美利坚合众国联合公报 1972年 2月 28日 Sino-US Joint Communique 28 February 1972 The first communique (1972-02-28), formally The Shanghai Communique, summarizes the landmark dialogue begun by President Richard Nixon and Premier Chou En-lai during February 1972.
正文 SINO-US JOINT COMMUNIQUE (The Shanghai Communique)
27 February 1972
President Richard Nixon of the United States of America visited the People's Republic of China at the invitation of Premier Chou En-lai of the People's Republic of China from February 21 to February 28, 1972. Accompanying the President were Mrs. Nixon, U.S. Secretary of State William Rogers, Assistant to the President Dr. Henry Kissinger, and other American officials.
President Nixon met with Chairman Mao Tse-tung of the Communist Party of China on February 21. The two leaders had a serious and frank exchange of views on Sino-U.S. relations and world affairs.
During the visit, extensive, earnest and frank discussions were held between President Nixon and Premier Chou En-lai on the normalization of relations between the United States of America and the People's Republic of China, as well as on other matters of interest to both sides. In addition, Secretary of State William Rogers and Foreign Minister Chi Peng-fei held talks in the same spirit.
President Nixon and his party visited Peking and viewed cultural, industrial and agricultural sites, and they also toured Hangchow and Shanghai where, continuing discussions with Chinese leaders, they viewed similar places of interest.
The leaders of the People's Republic of China and the United States of America found it beneficial to have this opportunity, after so many years without contact, to present candidly to one another their views on a variety of issues. They reviewed the international situation in which important changes and great upheavals are taking place and expounded their respective positions and attitudes.
The U.S. side stated: Peace in Asia and peace in the world requires efforts both to reduce immediate tensions and to eliminate the basic causes of conflict. The United States will work for a just and secure peace: just, because it fulfills the aspirations of peoples and nations for freedom and progress; secure, because it removes the danger of foreign aggression. The United States supports individual freedom and social progress for all the peoples of the world, free of outside pressure or intervention. The United States believes that the effort to reduce tensions is served by improving communication between countries that through accident, miscalculation or misunderstanding. Countries should treat each other with mutual respect and be willing to compete peacefully, letting performance be the ultimate judge. No country should claim infallibility and each country should be prepared to re-examine its own attitudes for the common good. The United States stressed that. the peoples of Indochina should be allowed to determine their destiny without outside intervention; its constant primary objective has been a negotiated solution; the eight-point proposal put forward by the Republic of Vietnam and the United States on January 27, 1972 represents a basis for the attainment of that objective; in the absence of a negotiated settlement the United States envisages the ultimate withdrawal of all U.S. forces from the region consistent with the aim of selfdetermination for each country of Indochina. The United States will maintain its close ties with and support for the Republic of Korea; the United States will support efforts of the Republic of Korea to seek a relaxation of tension and increased communication in the Korean peninsula. The United States places the highest value on its friendly relations with Japan; it will continue to develop the existing close bonds. Consistent with the United Nations Security Council Resolution of December 21, 1971, the United States favors the continuation of the ceasefire between India and Pakistan and the withdrawal of all military forces to within their own territories and to their own sides of the ceasefire line in Jammu and Kashmir; the United States supports the right of the peoples of South Asia to shape their own future in peace, free of military threat, and without having the area become the subject of great power rivalry.
The Chinese side stated: Wherever there is oppression, there is resistance. Countries want independence, nations want liberation and the people want revolution--this has become the irresistible trend of history. All nations, big or small, should be equal; big nations should not bully the small and strong nations should not bully the weak. China will never be a superpower and it opposes hegemony and power politics of any kind. The Chinese side stated that it firmly supports the struggles of all the oppressed people and nations for freedom and liberation and that the people of all countries have the right to choose their social systems according to their own wishes and the right to safeguard the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of their own countries and oppose foreign aggression, interference, control and subversion. All foreign troops should be withdrawn to their own countries.
The Chinese side expressed its firm support to the peoples of Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia in their efforts for the attainment of their goal and its firm support to the seven-point proposal of the Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Republic of South Vietnam and the elaboration of February this year on the two key problems in the proposal, and to the Joint Declaration of the Summit Conference of the Indochinese Peoples. It firmly supports the eight-point program for the peaceful unification of Korea put forward by the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea on April 12, 1971, and the stand for the abolition of the "U.N. Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea." It firmly opposes the revival and outward expansion of Japanese militarism and firmly supports the Japanese people's desire to build an independent, democratic, peaceful and neutral Japan. It firmly maintains that India and Pakistan should, in accordance with the United Nations resolutions on the India-Pakistan question, immediately withdraw all their forces to their respective territories and to their own sides of the ceasefire line in Jammu and Kashmir and firmly supports the Pakistan Government and people in their struggle to preserve their independence and sovereignty and the people of Jammu and Kashmir in their struggle for the right of selfdetermination.
There are essential differences between China and the United States in their social systems and foreign policies. However, the two sides agreed that countries, regardless of their social systems, should conduct their relations on the principles of respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states, non-aggression against other states, non-interference in the internal affairs of other states, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence. International disputes should be settled on this basis, without resorting to the use or threat of force. The United States and the People's Republic of China are prepared to apply these principles to their mutual relations.
With these principles of international relations in mind the two sides stated that:
--progress toward the normalization of relations between China and the United States is in the interests of all countries:
--both wish to reduce the danger of international military conflict;
--neither should seek hegemony in the Asia-Pacific region and each is opposed to efforts by any other country or group of countries to establish such hegemony; and
--neither is prepared to negotiate on behalf of any third party or to enter into agreements or understandings with the other directed at other states.
Both sides are of the view that it would be against the interests of the peoples of the world for any major country to collude with another against other countries, or for major countries to divide up the world into spheres of interest.
The two sides reviewed the long-standing serious disputes between China and the United States. The Chinese reaffirmed its position: The Taiwan question is the crucial question obstructing the normalization of relations between China and the United States; the Government of the People's Republic of China is the sole legal government of China; Taiwan is a province of China which has long been returned to the motherland; the liberation of Taiwan is China's internal affair in which no other country has the right to interfere; and all U.S. forces and military installations must be withdrawn from Taiwan. The Chinese Government firmly opposes any activities which aim at the creation of "one China, one Taiwan," "one China, two governments," "two Chinas," and "independent Taiwan" or advocate that "the status of Taiwan remains to be determined."
The U.S. side declared: The United States acknowledges that all Chinese on either side of the Taiwan Strait maintain there is but one China and that Taiwan is a part of China. The United States Government does not challenge that position. It reaffirms its interest in a peaceful settlement of the Taiwan question by the Chinese them-selves. With this prospect in mind, it affirms the ultimate objective of the withdrawal of all U.S. forces and military installations from Taiwan. In the meantime, it will progressively reduce its forces and military installations on Taiwan as the tension in the area diminishes.
The two sides agreed that it is desirable to broaden the understanding between the two peoples. To this end, they discussed specific areas in such fields as science, technology, culture, sports and journalism, in which people-to-people contacts and exchanges would be mutually beneficial. Each side undertakes to facilitate the further development of such contacts and exchanges.
Both sides view bilateral trade as another area from which mutual benefit can be derived, and agreed that economic relations based on equality and mutual benefit are in the interest of the peoples of the two countries. They agree to facilitate the progressive development of trade between their two countries.
The two sides agreed that they will stay in contact through various channels, including the sending of a senior U.S. representative to Peking from time to time for concrete consultations to further the normalization of relations between the two countries and continue to exchange views on issues of common interest.
The two sides expressed the hope that the gains achieved during this visit would open up new prospects for the relations between the two countries. They believe that the normalization of relations between the two countries is not only in the interest of the Chinese and American peoples but also contributes to the relaxation of tension in Asia and the world.
President Nixon, Mrs. Nixon and the American party expressed their appreciation for the gracious hospitality shown them by the Govern-ment and people of the People's Republic of China. October 28 似水流年心痛你突然点醒了我,我们的相识能够以年计算了,你找到你爱的,而我,还在原地徘徊着。
如果我从没遇见你,如果我从没爱上你,如果我一开始没坚信,也许我就不会是现在的这个自己。
你变了,我也变了,回不去的温柔,泪水如泉涌,最熟悉的变得最令我心痛。
情断了,绑不住,试着放手,走与不走,留与不留,我不想懂。
明知你心里没有我,也永远做不到你想要得那个,却不由自主让你看到最真实的我,掩藏住受伤的我。
当一切都回不去了,当我决定要走,你才明白冷落了我,我要的不多,可你都没给够,哪怕一个温柔的相拥,对我来讲,都是幸福的。
如果爱不曾来过,如果梦不曾碎过,如果心不曾疼过,那么我,是否还是你认识的我?
别害怕,我一直站在你的身后,总在你呼唤时守在你左右。
不要走,请逗留,不要再让我心痛,难道你认为伤我还不够?
不要再折磨我,我的心已被割破,流尽的不是血,是爱你的错。
诺言不过上一种谎言,那是种美丽的欺骗,可就是有人愿意为了它放弃一切.
你就像我口中的牛奶,我渴了,饿了,困了,累了,你却帮不了我什么,只上一暂时滋润了。
野猫的女人很任性,他们倔强不失可爱,野蛮不失温柔,他们认定的东西,就算不要、也不能让别人拥有,她们是贪心的,因为她们害怕寂寞。
擦肩而过,你我,并不是属于彼此的,无所谓的珍重与再见,无所谓的感受与苦涩已化作尘埃飘过,我们该珍惜现在。
窗外雨在下,一颗挨着一颗,我的泪水也蓬勃了,如窗外那断了线的雨珠。
当温柔不在,当泪水擦干,我现在的挽留还算不算?只愿不会成遗憾。
喜欢就喜欢了,心被牵动,无须理由,爱上你是我的自由,请打开窗口,让我的灵魂与你的灵魂相拥。
说过不会比你先走,说过就算走也决不回头,说过不再用手试泪,说过就算你走也不在原地逗留,说过的不在也再,说过的一切已不算,你的臂弯已不再是我心灵的港湾,而那些承诺不过是无稽之谈。
走,还是要走的的,留下来的不过是一副躯壳,留,还是要留的,我的心就在次生根了。
孤独的双眼沉默着,何时才被明亮发现,躲在黑暗角落的我 淡了,散了,不多,一点就够了,睡了,呼呼中,懂了?是的。
梦已逝,心已碎,留下只是在为离开做准备。
如果不要我,请离开我,留下,只是继续令我难过。
如果我能够继续等待,如果时间能够停留下来,如果……没有如果?
断了联络,断了思念,最后的希望已灰飞湮灭,心已疲倦,痛吗?不懂。
擦去脸上的泪水,却带不走心中痛楚的感觉。
爱就爱了,接受拒绝?简单的几个字却变了味,你无言的回应,我逃避的闪躲,为何?正面回答不会比现在更伤害我。不要坚信,他没回应总好过答应了无法承诺,那样心更炙热,他给不起,你还要吗?
愁绪吗?有点闷,一点孤独品尝一点寂寞。
天空开始放晴,微风划过,如此轻柔,想每次你偷亲我的脸颊一样,我笑了,仅仅是因为想起了你。
有点落寞,我不懂该怎么说,让它在无声中逝去,我走了,其实它没有来过,只是夜晚心异常柔软。
当我流着泪向你说再见,你只是冷漠的向我告别,不感看你的冷漠的眼,心已碎成千片。
我难过的时候你在哪里?心痛的感觉令我麻痹,痛得我难以呼吸,却不敢告诉你。
你的心已不属于我,可我却还期待你的回应,明知不可以,却还是被牵引。
爱来过,也走过,痴过也恨过,伤过才会懂,一切皆是错。
电话那头,又是沉默,该放手,却难割舍。
每到夜深人静,我才倍感寂寞倍感心酸,孤单的人心易碎,总是看到别人双双对对,才感觉,一个人好孤单,只是真心已不在,真心已不算。
当依靠的肩膀不在,当我的眼泪流干,当我决定放手,我的心已不在。
我难过的时候你在哪里?一句抱歉就能把空白代替? October 27 爱与被爱记得TOM曾说过在我们身上让他再次感受到那种爱与被爱的感觉,当时他动情地哭了,这一幕我永远都不会忘记。是呀,这种感觉真的珍贵,能让人记住一辈子。每个人都需要这种爱与被爱的感觉。可是越是珍贵,越难得到。因为并不是每个人都能从容面对这一切的。享受与煎熬只隔着一张纸,弄不好便会落入万丈深渊。人活一辈子,不能光贪图享受,这必须要建立在自己的付出之上。只有付出了,才能得到回报。但同时也不能否认,付出也会得不到任何回报,反而会带来更糟的结局。如果眼泪能治疗被爱所伤,那么我愿在为你流下最后一滴泪。如果说一段新的恋情能让你忘记那段旧情,你是否还会再次飞蛾扑火?男人的成熟并不能看外貌,而要看他的心智。女人的疑问有时并不是真的不懂你,只是希望你能更懂自己,更懂她,知道自己要什么,知道她需要什么。身为女人,很多时候并不能言明一切,这是千年留下的,她的一举一动很可能就是对你的暗示,她的言不由衷,只希望你能了解,希望你能更聪明点,能懂她,而不是装傻,找借口。因为你拙劣的借口第一次说出的时候,她就已经明白一切了,只是没有出声,希望你自己能懂,而不是继续为了一个借口而找寻更多的借口。女人的直觉是很准的,很多时候你没说,她就知道你心里想什么,女人不是真的笨,她只希望你能把那些话说得更白,更直接,她希望从你口中听到那句话,这是她的一点点骄傲。当爱来时真如排山倒海,可当爱走时,却像抽丝拨茧一般。爱与被爱都是幸福的,因为这至少能证明你还有能力去爱,一旦心死了,便什么都没有了。 动什么别动感情年纪上去了,危机感也随之而来,这个时候出现了一个成熟的男人,便把他当作了救命稻草,不离不弃,将少女情怀发挥至极致,可这份爱,爱的并不轻松。因为危机感,而选择了一段不太可能的感情,感情上的卑微最终让自己伤的体无完肤。直到身边出现了一个阳光男孩,他比自己小,在旧的观念看来,这种爱是极为不成熟的,但正是这样的爱唤起了那颗所剩无几的年轻的心。希望从这个阳光男孩身上找到那份久违的爱与被爱的感觉,让自己再享受一次纯粹的爱。最近几年姐弟恋成为一种时尚,这看似不健全,却正是这种缺失与给予反应了其稳定性,于是变得健全起来了。可是真要跨出这步,很难,因为跨出了就意味着再也不能回头了,害怕再次步入自己昔日的后尘,害怕再次触碰那道伤痕。曾戏称自己是为爱而生,可又有多少人知道这背后所付出的代价是多么的惨痛。像是一只刺猬,为了爱拔掉了身上所有的刺,连血带肉的拔,留下千疮百孔的身躯,却抵御不了那锥心刺骨的伤害,直到自己摔下万丈深渊,不得救赎。不能肯定自己的心真的死了,却肯定心累了。以为自己再也不会再心动,却终抵不过爱的来袭,可是这真是自己等待多时的真爱吗?还是太久没有爱了,早已忘却爱是什么了?多数人活这一生,恐怕都难了解什么才是真爱。难道自己真能幸免?爱一个人便会付出全部,爱的毫不保留,这样的爱又有多少人能够承受呢?如果不能,也许将选择一个人走,想自己会一辈子孤单,泪眼蒙胧,那颗残破的心还在跳动,可每跳一下就是锥心的痛,怕再也无力承受这一切了,它需要爱来温暖,需要爱来修复这颗残破的心。 October 25 故地重游今天没课,到复旦本部校园里游览了一番,看到了好多熟悉的景物,也多了许多新的景色,比如光华楼,比如诗魂……
登上光华楼看整个校区,感觉好美,好舒服。静静的,让人会想起很多以前在校园里的情景。逛完本部,还去了正在建设中的新江湾城校区。那个美,真是让人震惊亚,感觉像是国外的学校,因为还在建设中,去的人很少,所以格外的宁静,让人感觉心旷神怡。最喜欢那个湖了,太美了,在湖边走走感觉真的很不错。今天的这一日游让我更加喜欢我可爱的学校,真是美极了,帅呆了,喜欢的不得……
传些校园景色大家一同分享^-^ October 22 做你的男人东京纽约每个地点
带你去坐幸福的地下铁 散步逛街找电影院 累了我就帮你提高跟鞋 塞车停电哪怕下雪 每天都要和你过情人节 星光音乐一杯热咖啡 只想给你所有浪漫情节 让我做你的男人 24个小时不睡觉 小心翼翼的保持 这种热情不退烧 不管世界多纷挠 我们俩紧紧的拥抱 隐隐约约我感觉有微笑 藏在你嘴角 让胆小的你在黑夜中 也会有个依靠 就算有一天爱会变少 人会变老 就算没告诉过你也知道 下辈子还要和你遇到 “让我做你的男人,24个小时不睡觉。”张信哲的《做你的男人》里最喜欢这句了。要是一个男人能为了自己24小时不睡觉,那多好呀。这让我突然想起这么一段文章“I want a wife who will not trouble me with a wife's duties but always listens to me.She must arrange to lose time at work, but not to lose her job.She knows that sometimes I need a night out by myself.If,by chance,I find another person better as a wife than the wife I already have, I want to have the freedom to replace her with another one. And my wife will take the children and be responsible for them so that I can be left free.”正如整篇文章最后一句写的“My God,who wouldn't want a wife?”谁不想要这样一个老婆呀,要是真有这样的老婆,我也想要一个。^-^ October 18 秋游今天没课,和同学去共青森林公园玩,算是自己组织的秋游了,算起来我有八年没有参加秋游了,呵呵,感觉很兴奋,很开心。玩玩,急流勇进,坐坐海盗船。诶,这回可真是上了贼船了,他们一个劲的叫操作员把船晃得高点,我可是坐在中间位置的,居然也摇到笔直,甚至更多点,晕阿,吓倒是还好,就是胃被折腾得够呛,下来就吐了,头晕晕的,两条腿还有些抖,真是不能贪玩亚。在草地上野餐,打牌,拍照,很放松,很舒服的。晚上还一起吃了火锅,呵呵,大学同学聚餐火锅可是首选。(国庆节庆祝一下,吃火锅吧!儿童节悼念一下,聚餐吃火锅吧!今天好无聊,去吃火锅吧!呵呵……)结果上了火,满脸豆豆,毒气发出来了,这就是代价。发些照片大家看看。^-^ October 16 灌篮高手这几天在网上看了《灌篮高手》的重播,好怀念,当年还在读初中的我很迷这部动画片的,省下早饭钱去买照片是最大的兴趣,直到现在我的相册里还有很多当时的收藏,真的满怀念的诶,呵呵。看了重播,其实也只看了后面的十集,不过感觉以前的那种感觉又回来了,满期待看续集的,书到是出了,可是似乎有好多版本,也不知道哪个是真的,只知道原画者死了,后面是由他女儿画的,画风完全不一样,虽然如此,但还是满想看的,去找续集喽…… October 11 最恐怖的12个英文单词这个字是由27个字母组成的。出现在大文豪莎士比亚的剧本「空爱一场」love’s labou r’s lost里,意思是「 2. antidisestablishmentarianism 这个字是由28个字母组成的。根据范克和华格若尔斯编的「英语新标准辞」里面的解释, 这个字的意思是「 」。它曾被英国首相格来斯顿william ew art gladstone,1809-1898引述过一次。3. floccinaucinihilipipification 这个字是由 个字母组成的。「牛津英文辞典」里就有这个字,意思是「把某事的价值加以抹杀的行为或习惯」。4. supercalifragilisticexpiadocious 这个字是由34个字母组成的。出现在一部名叫mary poppins的电影里,意思是「 」。5. hepaticocholecystostcholecystntenterostomy 这个字是由40个字母组成的。出现在高德编的「医学辞典」里,为一个 ,亦即在胆囊与胆管之间或肠子与胆囊之间接人工管子的手术。6. pneumonoultramicyoscpicailicovolcanoconiosis 这个字是由45个字母组成的。出现在韦氏辞典第八版的版本中意思是「吸入硅酸盐细末或石英岩灰而形成的肺尘埃沉着病」。矿工特别容易得这种病。 7. antipericatametaanaparcircumvolutiorectumgustpoops of the coprofied 这个字是由50个字母组成的。有个图书馆的书架上,陈列着法国作家拉伯雷着的「葛甘塔和潘特古」故事系列。其中有一本, 就是这个长长的英文字。8. osseocaynisanguineoviscericartilagininervomedullary 这个字是由 个字母组成的。它是人体构造一术语,曾出现在英国作家皮考克 thomaslovepeacock,1785-1866那本名叫headlong hall的小说中。 9. aequeosalinocalcalinoceraceoaluminosocupreovitriolie 这个字是由52个字母组成的。它是英国医学作者爱德华.史特罗哲dr edward strother,1675-1737创造的字,专用来形容英格兰格洛斯特夏布瑞斯陀这个地方的 。10.bababadalgharaghtakamminarronnkonnbronntonnerronntuonnthunntrovarrho unawnskawntoohoohoordenenthurnuk 这个字是由 个字母组成的。就出现在爱尔兰作家乔埃斯james joyce,1882-1942作品finneganswake的扉页,象征,代表亚当和夏娃的堕落。11.lopadotemachoselachogaleokranioleipsanodrimhypotrimmatosilphioparaomelit okatakechymenokichlepikossyphophattoperisteralektryonoptekephalliokigklopel ei-olagoiosiraiosiraiobaphetraganopterygon 这个字是由 个字母组成的。它是从希腊字英译过来的英文字,源出自希腊喜剧作家亚里斯多芬尼斯aristophanes,448-385的剧本the ecclesiazusae中。它是指由剩余的菜和牛肉函煮而成的辣味食物。12. 个字母,“色氨酸合成酶a蛋白质”(一种含有267种氨基酸酶)的化学名:methionylglutaminylarginyltyrosylglutamylserylleucylphenylalanylalanylglutaminylleucyllysylglutamylarginyllysylglutamylglycylalanylphenylalanylvalylprolyphenyla lanylvalythreonylleucylglycylaspartylprolylglycylisoleucylglutamylglutaminylseryl leucyllysylisoleucylaspartylthreonylleucylisoleucylglutamylalanylglycylalanylasp arthlalanylleucylglutamylleucylglycylisoleucylprolylphenylalanylserylaspartylprol ylleucylalanylaspartylglycylprolylthreonylisoleucylglutaminylaspfraginylalanylthr eonylleucylarfinylalanylphenylalanylalanylalanylglycylvalythreonylprolylalanylglu taminylcysteinylphenylalanylglutamylmethionylleucylalanylleuoylisoleucylarginyl glutaminyllysyhistidylprolylthreonylisoleucylprolylisoleucylglycylleucylmethionylt yrosylalanylasparaginylleucylvalylphenylalanylasparaginyllysyglycylisoleucylasp artylglutamylphenylalanylthrosylalanylglutaminylcysteinylglutamyllysylvalylglycy lvalylaspartylserylvalylleucylvalylalnylaspartylvalylprolylvalylglutaminylglutamyls erylalanylprolylphenylalanylarginylglutaminylalanylalanylleucylarginylhistidylaspa raginyvalylalanylprolylisoleucylprolylisoleucylphenylalanylisoleucylphenylalanylis oleucylcysteinylprolylprolylaspartylalanylaspartylaspartylaspartylleucylleucylarg inylglutaminylisoleucylalanylseryltyrosylglycylarginylglycyltyrosylthreonyltyrosyl leucylleucylserylarginylalanylglycylvalylthreonylglycylalanylglutamylasparainylar ginylalanylalanylleucylprolylleucylasparaginylhistidylleucylvalylalanyllysylleucylly sylglutamyltyrosylasparaginylalanylalanylprolylprolylleucylglutaminylglgycylphen ylalanylglycylisoleucylserylalanylprolylaspartylglutaminylvalyllysylalanylalanylisol eucylaspartylalanylglycylalanylalanylglycylalanylisoleucylserylglycylserylalanylis oleucylvalyllysylisoieucylisoleucylglutamylglutaminylhistidylasparaginylisoleucylg lutamylprolylglutamyllysylmethionylleucylalanylalanylleucyllysylvalylphenylalanyl calylglutaminylprolylmethionlysylalanylalanylthreonylarginylserine |
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